Zhan, Fangqiong

This paper explores the mechanisms of and motivations for two unconventional comparative constructions in Mandarin: [bi Ni hai Ni] and [bi Ni hai Nj]. They are unconventional in that the item expressing the dimension along which the comparison is made is a noun rather than an adjective. It is shown that [bi Ni hai Ni] emerges (i) by analogy with the conventional comparative construction [bi N hai A] and (ii) by inheriting the nominal feature from an existing construction [Adverb N], which is corroborated by a collexeme analysis. At a more schematic level, the extension A > N observed in [bi N hai A] > [bi Ni hai Ni] may have been modeled on the existing development from [Adverb A] to [Adverb N]. Analogical extension and inheritance also underlie the subsequent development from [bi Ni hai Ni] to [bi Ni hai Nj]. This study not only shows how language changes in a constructional network (including node creation and network reconfiguration), but also sheds light on the nature of horizontal links. It also demonstrates how a synchronically perceived relation between constructions may impact a later, similar language change.

This paper addresses the development of the Chinese V de O cleft construction, and how the cleft constructional network was developed in the history of Chinese. It is argued that V de O clefts emerged in the 13th century which was about 300 years later than VP de clefts. A key factor in their development is the use in Middle Chinese of relative clause in post-copula position. We argue that the emergence of V de O clefts also involved analogization to the extant VP de clefts as well as deferred equatives. Once V de O clefts occurred, they were recruited into the cleft network as a subschema, resulting in the schematic network being augmented and expanded. This study is a contribution to the developing field of constructionalization by making more explicit the way how nodes are created in a constructional network and how the network is reorganized and expanded.

This paper examines the emergence of the Chinese adverb běnlái and its further development into a stance discourse marker (SDM). Most previous studies consider the epistemic modal adverb běnlái (‘indeed, truly’) to have originated from the temporal adverb běnlái (‘originally’). Based on the framework of constructionalisation ( Traugott and Trousdale 2013 ) and Van de Velde et al.’s (2013) idea of multiple sources, I argue that the temporal adverb might not have been the only source for the modal běnlái to occur. Furthermore, the modal adverb changed into an SDM, thereby signaling the speaker’s subjective evaluation while linking the coherence of the discourse. I argue that the change was enabled by both subjectification and analogisation. The exemplars to which běnlái was by hypothesis analogised include the extant discourse connectives (e.g., kěshì) and the extant commentary pragmatic markers (e.g., kělián and suǒxìng) ( Fraser 2009 ).