Rifkin-Graboi, Anne

Mastery motivation predicts achievement, but intricacies amongst pre-schoolers are unclear. In keeping with the Specificity Principle, school-age, and adolescent research demonstrates the importance of considering the setting conditions in which mastery motivation is observed. Here, Singaporean 4-year-olds’ (N = 63) mastery-motivation-related behaviour (MMRB) (e.g. signs of persistence, focus, and pleasure) in mathematical and non-mathematical activities were observed. Relations between numeracy and MMRB during a mathematical game (outcome relevant setting) were determined, controlling for MMRB in other activities (outcome irrelevant settings). Association between MMRB during the mathematical game and receptive language (outcome irrelevant setting) was also examined. Consistent with the Specificity Principle, MMRB during the mathematical game was (i) associated with numeracy, after controlling for MMRB in other activities and (ii) did not predict language. Enhancing preschoolers’ experiences, especially when implemented in contexts related to areas targeted for improvement, may benefit outcomes. These skills acquired in early life can become important predictors of future ability.

Why do our brains change so much in early life? Why do they continue to develop over time? What are the implications of prolonged neural plasticity for interventions, learning, and childhood well-being? Humans live among ever-changing circumstances and therefore require extensive neurocircuitry supporting abilities to learn, regulate, and respond to information throughout life. Nevertheless, biological plasticity is energetically costly, and so it may be advantageous for infants to take a “best guess” at the type of environment in which they will likely be raised. Will it be dangerous? Will it be filled with unpredictability and a lack of control? Or, will it be comprised of support, certainty, and access to resources? These are important questions: different skills are necessary to succeed in different types of environments. In this chapter, we will consider how brain development unfolds, especially in early life. We will ask, why, from a biological standpoint, early experience impacts developmental trajectories. Next, we will specifically consider effects of the caregiving environment upon neurodevelopment and related implications for individual differences at school age. Gaps in the knowledge base, especially with regard to how such relationships unfold outside of low-risk North American and European homes and school systems, will be highlighted. The reader will learn about a new collaborative Singaporean study, “BE POSITIVE,” that aims to address these gaps starting in children 4 months to 4 years. Finally, we will consider ways such research can be applied to shaping interventions and policies aimed at increasing educational success and well-being.

When our goals or plans change, we have to be able to flexibly switch to adapt to the current situation or demands. Cognitive flexibility is the mental process that allows us to alternate flexibly and align our behaviours accordingly. Cognitive flexibility emerges in early childhood, but little is known about the neural correlates supporting this ability early in life. In this study, five-year-olds performed the Dimension Change Card Sort (DCCS) task while we recorded their brain activity using scalp-recorded electroencephalography (EEG). As expected, children were slower to respond on trials requiring cognitive flexibility (i.e., post-switch trials). EEG recordings showed that a late occurring frontal negativity (LFN) was larger on post-switch trials than on pre-switch trials. An earlier occurring negativity, the N2, did not differ by switch demands, and was observed on both the pre- and post-switch trials. The findings from this study indicate that as in later stages of development the LFN may be an important neural marker underlying cognitive flexibility in early childhood.

Objective: Maternal anxiety is a well-known risk factor for early childhood behavior problems. In this study we explore (1) whether parenting stress mediates this relation, and also (2) whether child factors, namely self-regulation, modify the influence of maternal well-being on child externalizing and internalizing problems at 4 years of age. Method: Mothers taking part in the Growing Up in Singapore Towards Healthy Outcomes (GUSTO) cohort completed the Spielberger State-Trait Anxiety Inventory when their children were 24 months of age. At 42 months children performed a self-regulation task (n=391) and mothers completed the Parenting Stress Index (PSI). When children were 48 months, both parents completed the Child Behavior Checklist. Results: As predicted, parenting stress mediated the relation between maternal trait anxiety and child externalizing and internalizing problems. This mediating effect was further moderated by child self-regulation. The indirect effect of maternal trait anxiety through parenting stress on child externalizing problems was stronger among children with low self-regulation. Conclusion: Parenting stress is an additional pathway connecting maternal trait anxiety and children’s externalizing and internalizing behavior problems. The risk for child externalizing problems conveyed by elevated maternal trait anxiety and parenting stress may be buffered by better self-regulation in four-year-olds. These results suggest that interventions that include decreasing parenting stress and enhancing child self-regulation may be important to limiting the transgenerational impact of maternal trait anxiety.

Study Objectives Examine how different trajectories of reported sleep duration associate with early childhood cognition. Methods Caregiver-reported sleep duration data (n = 330) were collected using the Brief Infant Sleep Questionnaire at 3, 6, 9, 12, 18, and 24 months and Children’s Sleep Habits Questionnaire at 54 months. Multiple group-based day-, night-, and/or total sleep trajectories were derived—each differing in duration and variability. Bayley Scales of Infant and Toddler Development-III (Bayley-III) and the Kaufman Brief Intelligence Test- 2 (KBIT-2) were used to assess cognition at 24 and 54 months, respectively. Results Compared to short variable night sleep trajectory, long consistent night sleep trajectory was associated with higher scores on Bayley-III (cognition and language), while moderate/long consistent night sleep trajectories were associated with higher KBIT-2 (verbal and composite) scores. Children with a long consistent total sleep trajectory had higher Bayley-III (cognition and expressive language) and KBIT-2 (verbal and composite) scores compared to children with a short variable total sleep trajectory. Moderate consistent total sleep trajectory was associated with higher Bayley-III language and KBIT-2 verbal scores relative to the short variable total trajectory. Children with a long variable day sleep had lower Bayley-III (cognition and fine motor) and KBIT-2 (verbal and composite) scores compared to children with a short consistent day sleep trajectory. Conclusions Longer and more consistent night- and total sleep trajectories, and a short day sleep trajectory in early childhood were associated with better cognition at 2 and 4.5 years.

STUDY OBJECTIVES:Spatial working memory (SWM) capacity sub-serves complex cognitive functions, yet it is unclear whether individual diurnal preferences and time-of-day influence SWM in preschool children. The main and interaction effects of chronotype and time-of-day on SWM and SWM differences in preschoolers with different chronotypes within each time-of-day group will be examined.
METHODS:We studied a subset of typically-developing 4.5-year-olds taking part in a birth cohort study (n = 359). The Children’s Chronotype Questionnaire (CCTQ) categorized children into morning-, intermediate-, and evening-types. Using a computerized neuropsychological test CANTAB (Cambridge Neuropsychological Test Automated Battery), SWM was determined from the total number of between-search errors (i.e., BS-total errors) and Strategy scores. Higher BS-total errors or lower Strategy scores indicated worse SWM. Time-of-day was categorized into late morning (10:00 am to 11:59 am), afternoon (12:00 pm to 3:59 pm), and late afternoon (4:00 pm to 6:30 pm). In a subsample (n = 199), caregiver-reported chronotype was validated using actigraphy-measured sleep mid-point.
RESULTS:After controlling for ethnicity, no significant main and interaction effects of chronotype and time-of-day on BS-total errors and Strategy scores were seen (all P > .05). However, evening-types outperformed morning-types (i.e., lower mean BS-total errors) in the late afternoon (P = .013), but not in the late morning and afternoon (all P > .05). Actigraphy data in the subsample confirmed that evening-types had later sleep mid-points during weekdays and weekends (P < .001).
CONCLUSIONS:Since evening-type preschoolers had better SWM in the late afternoon compared to morning-type preschoolers, this gives insights into optimal learning opportunities in early childhood education.